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Foreign policy of the PSOE-Unidas Podemos coalition government

As O'Neill pointed out in the 80s in the US House of Representatives, "all politics is local".

That is to say, foreign and domestic policies converge, the external defends national interests just as the internal determines action abroad.

It happened during the Franco era, with a foreign policy rebellious to maintain the regime, it happened from Suárez to Aznar, Zapatero, Rajoy, and as it could not be otherwise, at present, when the government of Pedro Sánchez and Pablo Iglesias is facing an unprecedented crisis, COVID-19.

The victory of the motion of censure against Rajoy's government opened the doors of the executive to the current president, Pedro Sánchez.

It was in June 2018 when its first term began, although with clear limitations and political weakness.

With 84 deputies and no permanent support, the international perception of a weak government would be inevitable.

Even so, the first repercussions occurred in terms of foreign policy and the program to be followed in this matter was developed, partially maintained to this day, when it shares the government with the purple party, Unidas- Podemos - the result of the protests of 2015- and with whom he has formed a self-described progressive coalition.

Sánchez comes to power after a era characterized by foreign policy of little importance.

El government of Mariano Rajoy not only had to face one of the worst economical crisis in the years that we have had democracy, but that its own lack of international leadership conditioned him not to go much further than the brand Spain.

Even so, we are not faced with a radically disruptive foreign policy, but rather the incorporation of new measures with which it was intended to once again place our country, with strength, on the international level.

Pedro Sánchez's foreign policy has a cosmopolitan matrix of neo-Kantian imprint en direct harmony with that of his predecessor in the government, José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (2004-2011).

With this basis, the foreign policy of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party shows a external action aimed at people, and risky in terms of the possibility of falling into idealism or a lack of consensus due to being criticized for it.

Construction of an international order

For the PSOE executive, Spain must promote the construction of an increasingly institutionalized and humanized international order while attending to and understanding the realities of the international panorama and the consequent power struggles between the great powers that have regained centrality in international relations..

This cosmopolitanism is what most of the Sánchez government's central initiatives in this matter are based on; among others, the strengthening of the European axis of Spanish foreign policy.

European integration is totally necessary for the executive in an international and national context in which the Member States are being breeding grounds for nationalism, populism and Europhobia within the EU itself.

The promotion of the 2030 Agenda and the reconstruction of the development cooperation policy were other of Sánchez's regulatory pillars in his beginnings.

For its part, Relations with the US and the maintenance of the Atlantic pillar is another of its axes.

Even at the last NATO summit (2019) he accepted the Cardiff commitments in the face of a haughty and arrogant Donald Trump and proposed that Spain lead the new anti-jihadist mission in Tunisia.

However, as we will see in the following lines, although it is guided by a pragmatic disposition to maintain a good relationship with the superpower and not by ideological preferences, this is one of the areas that can generate friction in the coalition government.

Let us remember that there is a sector of the Spanish left that is totally anti-American.

Catalan Question

Likewise, it is necessary to mention the Catalan issue and the internationalization of a conflict that has left our country in a bad light in the eyes of international public opinion.

From the unconstitutional referendum of October 1, 2017, the nationalists achieved the consequent unilateral declaration of independence and the flight from Spain of some of the main pro-independence political leaders led by Puigdemont.

They made believe that Spain was the Türkiye of the West.

An oppressive country that represses Catalonia for its anchorage to Francoist authoritarianism.

Although nothing could be further from the truth, at first Josep Borrel had to, through public diplomacy, alleviate the story.

Gonzalez Laya

During the second term, this has been put aside and given way to González Laya as Minister of Foreign Affairs, for whom the current institutional and values-based order is being strongly questioned, as is liberal democracy itself.

For Laya, forces have emerged that advocate a more closed global order, less economically integrated and less multilateral, which must be confronted..

For this reason, in the Appearance before the Foreign Affairs Commission of the Congress of Deputies, he stated that the central axis of Spain's foreign policy during his leadership would oppose assaults on values ​​such as freedom, peace, equality, justice, diversity, progress and equity.

A purposeful foreign policy that addresses the problems of sustainability of the international architecture with “multilateralism, international law and rules, the global architecture of peace, security and non-proliferation, regional integration and sustainability” as a base; and, with five axes: a foreign policy based on the defense of democracy, the promotion of human rights and feminism; the promotion of regional integration and multilateralism; an integrated, fair and equitable global economy; the fight against climate change and supporting sustainability; and an anticipatory Foreign Service as an instrumental axis.

2030 Agenda

For its part, and according to the electoral program of Unidas Podemos by 2019, The 2030 Agenda is one of the cornerstones of both its internal and foreign policy.

For its implementation, they are committed to its international aspect and focused on the fight against poverty, inequalities and environmental sustainability.

They assured that, if they came to power, as has happened, they would establish a sustainable development plan with concrete action frameworks with a specific Policy Coherence for Development mechanism. Likewise, Feminism is another of the party's normative axes.

They are committed to a “feminist cooperation and defender of human rights” that aims to build a cooperation system in which women are positioned as the driving force and focus of development. With Spain and Latin America as the geographic axis.

Common Agricultural Policy

Another of his points regarding foreign policy is the desire for a fairer Common Agricultural Policy to be developed.

They defend that The CAP has to be part of the strategy for the ecological transition and the future of the rural environment, and promote extensive livestock farming and sectors with great social and environmental contribution, as well as pastoralism.

To do this, they believe it is necessary to allocate at least 10% of the funds to establish “effective measures that correct market imbalances, as well as create a framework in which the euro zone coordinately restructures public debts through a modification in the deadlines. expiration.

In accordance with the fact that international finance must be democratic. Furthermore, they seek an active commitment to peace through the strengthening of European cooperation and a progressive movement of NATO to the CSDP.

As for international treaties, they consider them harmful, at the service of economic elites, and an example of this is CETA.

They defend that they are a tangible threat to SMEs and the self-employed and which puts our food security at risk.

Therefore, if they were in government, they would prevent Spain from signing any type of trade agreement with unacceptable conditions - we will be attentive to this.

Furthermore, they advocate that Spain it has to be the promoter of international democracy in the face of the crisis of multilateralism, for which the democratization of the UN Security Council is necessary. 

Lastly, they defend the free determination of the Sahrawi people with whom Spain has a historical responsibility and they will make policies consistent with this, among which stands out allocating the budget for Official Development Assistance, which, for its part, must be increased to the average of the States around the Union.

The foreign policy of the current government is undoubtedly based on the previous one; However, as it could not be otherwise, the coalition has redefined it.

The PSOE-Unidas Podemos pact has meant the resignation of both parties and in the case of the second, a moderation marked by possibility and the desire to be in government.

Likewise, Its short journey and the health, humanitarian, social, political and economic crisis that we face due to the incursion of COVID-19 into society at an international level has redirected both domestic and foreign policy, which has left objectives on hold..

However, it is necessary to analyze what this redefinition was due to the union of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party and Unidas Podemos in this progressive coalition.

The PSOE-Unidas Podemos pact has meant the resignation of both parties and in the case of the second, a moderation marked by possibility and the desire to be in the government

Foreign policy during the legislature

In the coalition agreement they told us the intended foreign policy to be developed during the legislature. We can talk about the strengthening of Spain's international influence as the central axis that will direct its staging in international organizations and instances, as well as activism in community matters, the promotion of multilateralism, the defense of human rights, and compliance with the Paris Agreements and the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda that will lay the foundations for the regulatory axes, with Latin America, Africa and Europe as geographical axes.

Likewise, The main international initiatives will go hand in hand with the cosmopolitan vision that characterizes the PSOE., with the efforts to improve the lives of human beings, from their economic conditions to the promotion of human rights, which this entails; being the multilateralism the instrument that guides it. Also, Europeanism is the absolute priority, with a clear commitment to advance European integration of a federalist nature and a social model widely linked to the Party led by Pablo Iglesias.

They aim to promote a more democratic, more social Europe and more committed to reducing inequalities, precariousness and poverty.

EU that converges with State, Society and Market

That is to say, an EU that is not a mere market for the circulation of goods and capital but a space characterized by a great social model in which State, society and market converge.

In fact, they aim to promote a fair and supportive European immigration policy that respects human rights and guarantees the freedoms and principles of the EU for everyone through the articulation of legal and safe channels.

At a time when the Union has been weakened by BREXIT, González Laya warned in his first speech before the Foreign Affairs Commission that Spain would act under variable alliances depending on the matter and not the following of Germany or France -denoting clear activism-.

The Coalition Agreement reflects the interest in promoting initiatives to better protect Europeans against possible new economic crises and the defense of progressive tax harmonization, in order to avoid tax dumping between the Member States and the eradication of tax havens. .

We bet again on 2030 Agenda, the main focus on foreign policy of both Podemos and the PSOE, a regulatory axis based on sustainable development, which today is responsibility of the General Secretary of the purple party -re-elected in the Assembly a few days ago again-.

EU Green New Deal

They intend to promote a true Green New Deal in the EU, equipped with adequate budgetary and technical resources, with which to confront pollution through the “creation of a specific European fund to promote the fair transition of the most vulnerable sectors and territories in the face of the decarbonization process.”

Also linked to the helps development cooperation in third States, would work in Africa, to make it a priority of European foreign policy and would propose to Brussels initiatives that contribute to the sustainable development of the continent.

As well as they would contribute to strengthening relations between the EU and Latin American and Caribbean countries on the economic, social, political and cultural levels.

As well as new relations would be established with the emerging powers of Asia.

Feminism is another of the axes for the progressive coalition government, consistent with its support for the 2030 Agenda but which, as we will now see, has caused reluctance among the parties.

Any coalition government increases contradictions per se; and, in this case, it is no different, especially since it is parties with different visions and with a non-trivial clash of leaderships.

Although It is the Spanish Socialist Workers Party that has reserved most of the powers regarding foreign policy. with González Laya as Minister of Foreign Affairs, it is well known that Any Ministry already acts on the international scene.

Likewise, the purple party, which has embraced the 2030 Agenda since its inception, is in charge, through the Second Vice President, Pablo Iglesias, of managing it.

Which may mean, later, that Frictions within the UN framework itself. However, the most latent ones, and therefore, in which it is necessary to advance, are the following:

Latin America is a point of clash between the two parties that is difficult to solve.

Support for Evo Morales

El support of Unidas- Podemos for Evo Morales, who they believe carried out a coup d'état in Bolivia, is undeniable, as is his position regarding Venezuela.

The left-wing group does not recognize Guaidó as it considers Nicolás Maduro's government legitimate, while the center-left does.

And hence the Delcy Rodríguez case and the government playing with ambiguity.

For its part, Enrique Santiago, spokesperson for Unidas Podemos for Latin America, defends the Castro regime without stupor; and even calls “to fight against US imperialism” in Latin America.

In fact, he has urged Minister González Laya several times to move away from “any interventionist attitude” in the area.

Western Sahara and Relations with Morocco

However, this is not the only point of friction, it is also the Western Sahara and relations with Morocco.

In Podemos' own electoral program, already They define themselves as pro-Sahrawis, putting Spain-Morocco relations at high risk.

For its part, The Palestinian-Israeli conflict is another of the divergences.

Podemos's vision is markedly pro-Palestine and its leaders do not try to cover it up, it is not difficult to read accusations against Israel for being a “genocidal state”.

While the PSOE must try to maintain harmony with both Rabat and Israel.

Regarding the vision on trade agreements, the match that came out of 15-M As reflected in his manifesto, rejects them as a neoliberal instrument of exploitation of the middle and lower classes with which only transnational companies gain, while the PSOE believes them to be a traditional instrument to govern globalization, although it tries to regulate them and give them a social component.

Another issue that moves on quicksand is that of NATO and U.S..

It is no secret that within the Unidas Podemos sector there is a large part of the most anti-American left, and they will never support the actions that Spain has been maintaining towards them in recent years.

In fact, during the vote in the Congress of Deputies for the expansion of NATO in the case of the Republic of North Macedonia, he abstained.

However, if Iglesias continues down the path of pragmatism, he may be able to contain some of his deputies and contain head-on clashes between both parties. It will be necessary to see when the COVID-19 crisis ends and the priorities already mentioned are reopened.

Internally we find ourselves facing the characteristic instability of Spanish politics in recent years, which has given us a government with a precarious majority with a coalition destined to fail due to the few points in common.

We are facing a polarized society, made up of two political blocks (left-right) and with a rise in extremism, independence and nationalism.

That is to say, political instability, precarious majority and parliamentary fragmentation; therefore, breaking of consensus.

We cannot speak of a State foreign policy in the medium or long term.

Furthermore, on an external level, we are facing one of the biggest global crises in recent decades, a black swan that is difficult to analyze.

We do not know the magnitude or the changes it will cause in the world order.

As for Spain, We are not yet aware of the depth of the economic crisis (a drop of almost 10% of GDP).

That is to say, Spain is going to have to dedicate all its resources and foreign policy priorities to combating the economic crisis - if not the health crisis, due to another wave -, postponing or relegating other objectives.

Analysis Difficulty

Therefore, it is difficult to analyze the coalition government that Spain is currently leading; not only because of its short duration, but because in the face of COVID, and such an uncooperative opposition, Any friction on any issue, even on foreign policy, could be lethal to the survival of the union..

What is clear is that the interests of both parties differ on fundamental issues such as the Sahrawi and even with the trade agreements that Spain has been embracing since its reintegration into the international scene.

Unidas Podemos has moderated institutionally regarding the possibility of forming a government, but that does not mean that all its deputies are willing to do so.

In fact, you only have to briefly investigate the social networks to understand that radicalism is still latent and that it will not take long to emerge.

Inconsistencies and Contradictions

What is undeniable is that Any coalition government multiplies the inconsistencies and contradictions between internal and foreign policy because there are already different bases between both parties.. And if also the society is excessively polarized and politicized, as is happening today, and the voters of both are becoming radicalized, the leadership clash is imminent.

This coalition comes a few months after Sánchez warned that he would never agree with Iglesias, just as he would not do so with Basque or Catalan nationalism.

And this fear of sleeping with a government that included the purple leader was not trivial, but rather a result of the different perceptions and frictions that would be generated.

As we have already mentioned, there are not a few for the months they have been in and with external action paralyzed. You cannot be Atlanticist and anti-Americanist at the same time, nor pro-EU and against the Eurozone.

COVID has prevented us from seeing how these issues would develop, but it is not difficult to imagine.

Join forces to achieve the new normal

However, I do not believe that all coalition governments are negative for Spain's foreign policy.

Everything depends on the coherence and approach of the parties themselves to maintain a State foreign policy.

And I don't think COVID stop this external action, but will multiply the need for global governance and multilateralism that Spain can lead perfectly within the Union.

Faced with an international society full of populist leaders, with a US tending towards unilateralism, and a China that aspires to be the hegemon par excellence before 2049, there are no more options.

Not only does the coronavirus threaten us, but also climate change, and imminently.

If these two parties united their efforts and common points to lead what they call “new normality”, the coalition could be maintained. We will have to wait to find out.

References

http://www.loyolaandnews.es/estudiosinternacionales/politica-exterior-de-espana/

https://blog.realinstitutoelcano.org/mas-espana-en-europa-la-irrupcion-de-la-covid-19/

https://blog.realinstitutoelcano.org/politica-interior-politica-exterior/

Mugnani, Miguel, Elizalde and others (2019). Spain in the world: the end of the bipolar order and the new international architecture. Comillas Journal of International Relations nº4, January-April 2019, ISSN 2366-5776.

González Laya, A. (2020). Appearance of the Minister before the Foreign Affairs Commission of the Congress of Deputies. Congress of Deputies. Visited on 22/05/2020. Retrieved from http://www.exteriores.gob.es/Portal/es/SalaDePrensa/ComparecenciasParlamentarias/Documents/20200220_COMPARECENCIA.pdfhttp://www.exteriores.gob.es/Portal/es/SalaDePrensa/ComparecenciasParlamentarias/Documents/20200220_COMPARECENCIA. pdf

Lobato, P. and Rodríguez V. (2019). Spanish Foreign Policy Chronicle (December 2018 – May 2019). Electronic journal of International Studies. DOI: 10.17103/reei.37.17. May 24, 2020.

PSOE and Unidas Podemos (2019). Progressive coalition. A new agreement for Spain. Visited on 25/05/2020. Recovered from https://www.psoe.es/media-content/2019/12/30122019-Coalición-progresista.pdf

We can (2019). PODEMOS Program. The reasons remain intact. Podemos.info. Visited on May 25, 2020. Retrieved from https://podemos.info/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/Podemos_programa_generales_10N.pdf

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