Opportunities between Latin America and Spain
The human, historical, social, cultural, political, economic and linguistic ties that unite Spain and Latin America keep this region as one of the central objects of Spanish foreign policy, which today aspires to achieve balanced relations between the two. It wants to strengthen its ties, consolidate its political relations and enhance the existing mechanisms of dialogue and political interlocution, as well as reinforce and increase the investment activity of companies and commercial exchanges.
As a mechanism for this, Spain is one of the main investors in Latin America, with a notable presence in key sectors such as communications, banking, infrastructure management and construction, tourism and the provision of public services and energy and, participates as an observer in Latin American multilateral organizations such as the Organization of American States (since 1972), for which it currently contributes 39% of the total contributions, and with which it has created the Spain – OAS Fund and has signed a agreement for Spanish electoral observers to participate in electoral observation missions. Just as it has done, since 1982, in the Latin American Integration Association (ALADI), since 2004, in the Central American Integration System (SICA), since 2011, in the Andean Community of Nations (CAN) and, since 2012, in the Pacific Alliance.
In addition, it has a very active role in financial institutions such as the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), to which it contributes 1,9% of the bank's ordinary capital and 2,24% of the budget for special operations. It also participates in programs to eradicate inequalities and improve the economic situations of the area.
However, and although the foreign policy of the current government undoubtedly draws on the previous one and on Spain's tendency with respect to the region we are analyzing, the PSOE pact – Unidas Podemos It has meant the resignation of both parties and, in the case of the second, a moderation marked by the possibility and desire of being in government. And, with respect to the Ibero-American axis, the contradictions typical of a coalition government have already emerged. Unidas- Podemos supports Evo Morales, whom they believe carried out a coup d'état in Bolivia, just as he defends the Venezuelan regime, for which he does not recognize Guaidó, considering Nicolás Maduro's government legitimate; while the center-left, the PSOE, does. And hence the Delcy Rodríguez case and the government playing with ambiguity. Furthermore, spokespersons for Unidas Podemos for Latin America, such as Enrique Santiago, defend the Castro regime without stupor; and they even call “to fight against US imperialism” in Latin America.
This comes from the fact that this region is a key peripheral strategic space for the configuration of the Atlantic Space, with the OAS and the American leadership in the background, and we already know about the position of the purple party before the US. Although the latter has States with a tendency towards natural leadership, but without hegemonic aspiration like Mexico, with the Caribbean, Central America (Costa Rica, Panama, Dominican Republic) and the Andean States who stand next to him. Others like Argentina, Brazil, Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador do not.
On the other hand, Latin America is also key to the construction of geopolitical blocks such as the New Silk Road or BRI - Belt and Road Initiative– which is also supported by Andean States such as Paraguay, Peru, Chile, and Ecuador, in addition to Panama, Bolivia, Uruguay, Venezuela, Costa Rica, Cuba and Peru that are already part of the initiative. Let us remember that it is a geopolitical block of great importance that directly attacks against American interests. Key interests if we talk about Latin America, where he has exercised great leadership based on geopolitics, national security and ideology; and, today, in the economy, after the failure of the FTAA.
Furthermore, in South America the European Union, which has had direct links with MERCOSUR and CELAC. Being the EU-LATAM relations representative of globalization and interregionalism. And here comes, once again, the role of Spain, which is one of the main drivers of the Union's foreign policy towards the American region.
As we see, Spain's role in the Latin American region is extremely important, but that of the United States and even, now, that of China is even more important. Actors among whom the European country is also in the middle due to the hegemony that the Asian giant is trying to achieve in the international system, although it still has to catch up with the US, both in Spain's relations with it, and in its position. in Latin America.
It is quite notable that the relations, in the first place, between Latin America and the European Union (EU hereinafter) have been growing exponentially due to the strengthening of the relational structure that previously existed between both actors. Needless to say, the EU represents a complex group of national interests that revolve around the basis of the European organization, so the first arduous task is focused on achieving an alignment of interests in the Spanish-speaking region, where interests can be observed. more intense, such as the cases of France, Italy or Spain, to more neutral positions such as that of the Eastern European countries.
Intensification of institutional relations European Union – Latin America
To avoid falling back into old disputes that only serve to have intense historical debates that never come to fruition, both parties must put maximum resources on the negotiating table, share those points in common and learn to live with inequalities in their respective visions and adopt an attitude based on cooperation and multilateralism, keys to development in such a hectic international environment and with uncertainty and global disorder as a flag.
Together, representing 25% of world GDP between both regions[1], being almost a third of the members of the United Nations, almost half of the components of the G-20 and with undoubted historical ties, the relations between these political entities can offer a large number of opportunities that must be analyzed from the prism of growth. Bet on the economic, political and social integration of the Latin American region has become one of the main objectives of the European vision for this part of the world. Meanwhile, from the other side of the pond, there are several benefits that can be attracted to the Latin American area, from economic to social associations, to generate joint action that is decisive in achieving historic results for the parties involved, such as the Agreement of Paris or the 2030 Agenda, which help protect and arm oneself against problems that currently plague Latin American countries, such as climate change or poverty.
It is undeniable that the situation still offers enormous potential to discover and explore but, to do so, it is necessary to start from a realistic view of the situation and adopt the most appropriate strategy that can adapt to the conditions of the areas where they want to be implemented. Therefore, carrying out a brief analysis of the Latin American institutional situation, and taking as reference Daniel Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, the theory of vicious circles is the one that takes the lead. This theory states that The development and progress of a country is found in the existence of inclusive institutions, which are structured on basic principles of freedom and rights that build a framework for free and safe action, for example, that control the separation of powers until the existence of oligopolies in the economic sphere.
Since the 9th century, key to the independence of most of the countries that make up the region today, Latin American institutions have suffered endemic problems in most areas and which, unfortunately, they continue to suffer these days. A clear example is the Oderbrecht case, an investigation that was opened in the United States and whose reason for being is found in the copious number of implications of the high governing and economic spheres of more than XNUMX Spanish-speaking countries, from Mexico to Argentina, passing through Peru or Panama. Now, this network of corruption, bribery, influence and waste means nothing more and nothing less than carrying a conception of the institutional structure quite different from that which can be observed on the European continent. This does not mean, by any means, that European institutions are perfect, given that shocking cases of corruption have been uncovered that affect a considerable number of influential actors in Europe.. But, as evidence of the realistic vision of the weak Latin American institutional situation, it is the blow of reality that the citizens of the area provide when more than a third of the population responds that they are not satisfied with the democratic management of their countries.
Democracy, respect and compliance with human rights and freedoms, economic progress, environmental preservation and other similar factors demand a leading role in the relations between both actors., where the driving force behind them must be located in multilateralism and the establishment of standards that serve as a legal framework so that the control and supervision mechanisms are adequate and the various societies see how they protect themselves in different ways. Furthermore, we must take into account the international environment where these relations are taking place, which is none other than a global map with constant intense changes capable of reconfiguring relations as they have rarely been seen in history, so finding common points of this bi-regional institutional alliance is elementary, since they will serve as a basis for the growth of relations.
Finally, it cannot be ignored that leaving disagreements behind and moving together towards a more favorable scenario for both parties requires quite monumental willpower, which will test the instruments of European foreign policy (with the regional and national effort that this implies) and the real will of the Latin American region to be able to experience greater development. Although sometimes the current state is described as a “relationship fatigue[2], The momentum that can be generated by obtaining the benefits derived from the creation of strong institutional ties, based on inclusion and the rule of law, means reaching a point of positive synergies from which beneficial elements will emerge for both societies, thus overcoming the ideological barrier that separates these two parties and sign one of the most long-awaited advances in the historic relationship between Europe and Latin America.
Conditions for the institutional rapprochement of the European Union – Latin America
In any type of relationship, a good foundation is essential for it to have a good future. Now, at the interstate and even intercontinental level, the basis is usually found in those common elements that serve as a starting point. It is true that on many occasions Similar cultural, social and economic factors make everything easier, make relationships more stable and longer lasting, in addition to allowing you to skip steps to reach a point of connection that is difficult to reach.
Therefore, in the field of Latin American-European relations, some foundations can be concentrated that allow the histories of both regions to be intertwined. In this sense, the main bond of bi-regional relations comes from sharing a certain historical past that has allowed broad shared social and cultural customs to continue to exist today. But, in addition, it can be observed in recent decades how these ties or common points have not been decisive enough to confirm a real and effective institutional approach between the parties.
Firstly, one of the main problems with the objective of establishing stable and productive bilateral relations lies in the EU's foreign policy. In recent years it has become clear how the supranational organization par excellence has experienced turbulent years as a result of events that have shaken the international board.[3] and aggressive changes that seem to have disrupted the fundamental elements of the Union. Following this line, one of the weaknesses shown in its reaction to various problems has been found in its foreign policy, a policy that reflects the disunity and lack of agreements within the organization to be able to advance through a path that allows uniting all the interests of the members of the organization. For example, the change of axis at the international level, that is, the increase in the prominence of the Asian region as the main area to replace the historical Western leadership at a global level, is forcing the EU to rethink its objectives abroad, therefore that directing your gaze towards other international territories is vital.
Free Trade Agreements with Japan, economic-trade agreements with Vietnam, etc. are proof of EU effort to ensure that it does not lose its importance at the international level. But, on the other hand, it should not leave aside its presence on the American continent, but on the contrary, take advantage of the extraordinarily positive asset that is presented to both parties to achieve joint results. In this sense, and without forgetting the main intention of provoking a stable institutional approach, there is the possibility of appropriately manage certain precedents to generate a firm and valid approach. This task involves appropriately using the external capacity of the EU's strongholds, which are none other than France, Spain, Portugal and Italy towards this region, since there is a large part of European members that lack previous ties with the Latin American region (such as Eastern European countries that lack the slightest interest in the region).
Taking advantage of the competitive advantage of having experience in this part of the American continent means taking a hit on the international board with the intention of demonstrating that Both the EU and Latin America continue to be interested in keeping pace with the changes marked by international events.. To this end, it is mandatory to demand that Spain position itself as the main head in everything that has to do with European-Latin American relations, since the added value that the Spanish country presents compared to the rest, and its condition as a reliable partner (now with a more decisive role after the United Kingdom leaves the EU) is unquestionable by the rest of the members of the Union. Therefore, a leading global actor such as the EU cannot turn its back on one of the most important regions of the coming years, with undeniable economic and political importance given the direction that the international scene is taking, to thus acquire the position that corresponds to them.
With the position of the EU and Spain clear, it is time to focus on the institutional situation in the Latin American region and whether or not the necessary conditions truly exist to generate this rapprochement. As mentioned in the previous point, the political and economic actors in the region are not characterized by rigorous compliance with the rules within the framework of the rule of law. Not only in the economic field, where corruption cases encompass most of the institutional powers of any democratic society, from the judicial to the executive powers. It is obvious that situations of institutional conflict go beyond these areas, affecting all social strata.
Such events tangibly reflect the inability and lack of institutional support that exists in this region of the world, making it vital to resurface from its errors and implement a high level of reorganization of resources, institutional cleansing and implementing elements of international cooperation and multilateralism that imply a real improvement in this mandatory institutional change. Of course, as long as each State sees it as feasible and fair, in addition to the fact that it is previously assumed that the sovereign limits are specially defined to avoid unnecessary conflicts that only hinder the development of stable bi-regional relations.
In conclusion, both parties can learn from each other, understanding that tools such as multilateralism and the transfer of sovereignty in exceptional cases can serve to achieve higher objectives is a very important part of the process, in other words, teaching by example[4]. In this changing context, the relationships between these actors must once again define their rationality, their ultimate goal, which should be none other than achieving a substantial improvement in relationships whose improvements are noticeable in the most needy sectors of society. Instruments of cooperation, fluid and constant as well as dynamic relations and a proactive attitude must be the protagonists in the coming decades of bi-regional relations.
Putting aside state misgivings in favor of real institutional reform and positive democratic health is vital to lay the foundations for relations between these parts of the globe, where Facing opportunities jointly involves promoting shared common values that distinguish them from the rest of the international system.. Understanding this differential aspect of distinguishable ties is of real importance to confront the rapid process of international power displacement and wealth generation, where counteracting the soft power of the Asian giant and being able to demand real democratic conditions involves revitalizing common ideas and interests in for a comprehensive improvement for both regions.
[1] Data from the European Commission.
[2] A. Sanahuja in: https://eulacfoundation.org/es/system/files/sanahuja_12_nuevo_marco_ue-alc.pdf
[3]The economic and financial crisis of 2008; terrorism in European territory, irregular immigration, climate change, among others.
[4] Where the clearest example has been the number of EU member states since its creation, increasing from 6 to 27 currently, basically motivated by enjoying the benefits of being part of this type of organization.
Highlighted
https://eprints.ucm.es/44785/1/EU_LAC_Broschuere_spanisch_RZ.pdf
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/factsheets/es/sheet/176/america-latina-y-el-caribe
https://www.europarl.europa.eu/doceo/document/A-8-2017-0268_ES.html
Analysis carried out by Miguel Á. Melian y Mar Gamez
At RRYP, we help foreign individuals and international companies live, operate, and grow legally in Spain. We don't offer paperwork, we offer judgment. We are a boutique firm with a global vision and deep experience in private international law and strategic mobility. Through our ecosystem—RRYP Global, Relacionateypunto.com, Academia, and the newsletter—we offer a wide range of services. Think, Then Win— We combine legal clarity with strategy for those who don't improvise their future.
